Children's Occupational Aspirations: Comparisons by Gender, Gender Role Identity; and Socioeconomic Status.

Abstract

Career development is considered a lifelong process, although little attention has been given to the process in early childhood. Eli Ginzberg is credited with first including childhood in career theory based on personal development (Trice, Hughes, Odom, Woods, & McClellan, 1995). Ginzberg's view of occupational choice was that it is a developmental process beginning in early childhood which consists of a series of decisions based on interest, ability, and opportunity (Ginzberg, Ginsburg, Axellrad, & Herma, 1951). As children develop career awareness, they fantasize about occupational choices, make tentative decisions, and then choose occupations based on a realistic assessment of self and the environment (Ginzberg et al., 1951). The most recent theoretical position concerning the role of childhood in career development is offered by Gottfredson (1981). This theory proposes that children develop career choices in four stages: 1. Orientation to size and power (ages 3-5) 2. Orientation to sex roles (ages 6-8) 3. Orientation to social valuation (ages 9-13) 4. Orientation to self (beginning around age 14) During the second stage, occupational choices are more likely to be based on gender role. Social class and socioeconomic differences become apparent during the third stage (Gottfredson, 1981). Gender-role identity refers to the degree to which individuals consider themselves to be androgynous, masculine, or feminine (Boldizar, 1991). Gender-role stereotyping, which is the attribution of certain traits or behaviors as male or female specific, functions on assumptions made by individuals about appropriate attitudes, behaviors, and personality characteristics for males and females. According to Havighurst (1983), children acquire a gender-role identity via family, peer group, and school experiences. Through these experiences, children learn to consider themselves to be some degree of either masculine or feminine. These experiences may also foster gender-role stereotyping (Feingold, 1988; McKenna & Ferrero, 1991; Miller & Stanford, 1987. Cook (1993) suggested that our society continues to be differentiated based on genderrole stereotypes. According to the U. S. Department of Labor (1996), women are concentrated in very few occupations-administrative support, clerical, service, and sales. Societal attitudes reflecting stereotypical occupational roles for men and women are persistent. Work done in the area of gender role and gender-role stereotyping has added valuable information about why both men and women, but particularly women, have not considered the full range of occupational options open to them (Barnhart, 1983; Boldizar, 1991; Burnett, Anderson, & Heppner, 1995; Gianakos, 1995). Despite this increased knowledge and major advances resulting from federal legislation, gender disparity continues to exist in the workplace. Gender-role stereotyping and its influence on occupational choice among children has been recognized as pervasive. Numerous studies have found that young children continue to think of occupations in terms of their being male or female and consider them within this context (cf., Barclay, 1974; Clark, 1967; Etaugh & Liss, 1992; O'Hara, 1962; Rea-Poteet & Martin, 1991). Such thinking may continue to promote the gender specific choices of both boys and girls, limiting career opportunities for both. Little research has been conducted to investigate socioeconomic status and career choice among children. Yet, there is agreement among career theorists that socioeconomic status influences and is influenced by occupational choice (Amundson, 1995; Gottfredson, 1981; Osipow, 1968; Roe, 1956). Sewell, Haller, and Straus (1957) found that boys and girls from families of higher socioeconomic status were more likely to select professional occupations. These findings were further supported by later research (Brook, Whiteman, Peisach, & Deutsch, 1974; Clark, 1967; Sewell & Shah, 1968). …