Language and Speech · 1986 · 90 citations · 4 references
Language StudiesLinguisticsPhoneticsPhonologyPsycholinguisticsAcoustic PhoneticsAuditory DiscriminationExperimental PhoneticsSpeech Sound DiscriminationTone ProductionVowel PhoneticsAcoustic Correlates Of ToneChinese PhonologyPhonetic ImplementationReference PitchRepresentation Of ToneTone Discrimination In SpeechTone PhonologyVocalic Features
Productions of Tone 4 and Tone 3 ( mài/măi, ‘sell’/‘buy’) in comparable sentences suggest that although the two tones are realized in different ways by different speakers in different speech acts, some features are constant. Tone 3 is connected with a low pitch level throughout the second half of the vowel and Tone 4 with a gradual fall over the main part of the vocalic segment. These observations were tested in a series of manipulations of pitch movements over mài from Tone 4 to Tone 3 in the sentence Sòng Yán mài niúròu. The manipulated sentences were presented in a test, in which listeners were asked if they heard mài or năi. The result confirmed the observed constant features and indicated in addition that it was important for both tones to have a clear reference. The identification of Tone 4 was favoured by an introductory rising or level part, and for Tone 3 an introductory fall seemed to be important. Creaky voice is a concomitant but not a necessary feature of Tone 3.
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Acoustical Studies of Mandarin Vowels and Tones
William Yang Wang, John Howie · Modern Language Journal · 1977 · 105 citations
On the Domain of Tone in Mandarin
John Howie · Phonetica · 1974 · 95 citations
Speech Act and Tonal Pattern in Standard Chinese: Constancy and Variation
Eva Gårding · Phonetica · 1987 · 71 citations
Charles F. Hockett · Journal of the American Oriental Society · 1947 · 59 citations