Global governance and the politics of culture: campaigns against female circumcision in East Africa

Abstract

AbstractInternational organizations, national governments, and civil society organizations have condemned female genital cutting (FGC). In doing so, campaigners and policy-makers often describe female excision as backward, barbaric, and a problem of African culture. What does widespread international condemnation of FGC as a so-called traditional practice mean for campaigns against excision ‘on the ground?’ Drawing on critical global governance scholarship, this article argues that pervasive understandings of female excision as a problem of African culture obscure the far-reaching politics of campaigns against genital cutting. Focusing on efforts to criminalize female circumcision and educational projects in Tanzania and Kenya, I illustrate ways in which campaigns against female circumcision are dynamic sites of conflict characterized by politicized negotiations and resistance. I argue that initiatives that view FGC as a cultural problem in narrow terms may have unanticipated consequences when campaigns inscribe the communities they identify with female excision as local, traditional, and marginal. Notably, campaigns against the so-called traditional culture can counterproductively politicize diverse practices of excision as reified markers of ‘insider’ cultural identity. As a result, campaigns against excision may lead to outcomes antithetical to their stated goals of reducing practices of genital cutting.La gobernancia global y la política de la cultura: campañas contra la circuncisión femenina en África del EsteOrganizaciones internacionales, gobiernos nacionales y organizaciones de la sociedad civil han condenado la mutilación genital femenina. De esta manera, activistas y formuladores de políticas a menudo describen la escisión femenina como atrasada, bárbara, y un problema de la cultura africana. ¿Qué significa la amplia condena internacional de la mutilación genital femenina como práctica tradicional para las campañas contra la escisión “en el terreno”? Basándose en investigación crítica sobre gobernancia global, este artículo propone que las concepciones dominantes de la escisión femenina como un problema de la cultura africana ocultan los largos alcances de las políticas de las campañas contra la mutilación genital. Centrándome en los esfuerzos para criminalizar la circuncisión femenina y los proyectos educativos en Tanzania y Kenia, ilustro formas en las que las campañas contra la circuncisión femenina son sitios dinámicos de conflicto caracterizados por negociaciones y resistencia politizadas. Propongo que las iniciativas que ven a la mutilación genital femenina como un problema cultural en términos estrictos pueden tener consecuencias imprevistas cuando las campañas inscriben a esas comunidades que identifican con la circuncisión femenina como locales, tradicionales, y marginales. En forma notable, las campañas contra la así llamada cultura tradicional pueden politizar de manera contraproducente las diversas prácticas de escisión como marcadores reificados de la identidad cultural del insider. Como resultado, las campañas contra la escisión pueden llevar a resultados opuestos a sus objetivos de reducir las prácticas de la mutilación genital.𠡀𩚙𧠵𩜂𡙄𥦑𡉰𥤙𧠵񥌆𡑓𣕅𙦖𸝐𢢙𤘕𡄆𱀶𰍀𶠖𡅠𢉩𸑩𲑒𲑕𒊉𢉩𣑸𥤙𤈠𙦂𤁦𧙥𱀸𠉐𲑒𲑕𠡉𡔖𦀡𶄱𢢙𤘕𸑒𳤢𡄆𱀶𒊐𠀦𠄂𶞘𥄄𤈣𧒐𠁃𰑆𰍀񥊒𲑒𲑕𶠖𡅠𡑐𥤙𱕴𡁆𣑐𲝳𲑣𤄠𣕘𢢙𤘕𡄆𱀶𥕑𶡈𠀦𳡓𡔘𒊉𷌦𴕂𙦈𦍷𸎂𹁤𰍀𸝐𧥔𥦑𡉰𒊐𧒒𙥨𤆑𠀦𢉩𸑩𱀸𠉐𥅒𵢒𶄱𰍀𢢙𤘕𸑒𳤢𡄆𱀶𠕰𠀦𥅒𵡙𰍀𠉖𲑹𣑔𶍁񥊒𣕅𶠥𠄣𡑓𣕅𰒕𣑔𩦃𧥣𠀓𡄆𱀶𴢒𠀦𰍀𠔓𵝘𲝳𲞀𵌨𡁀𤈓𤡇𡘙𰔨𠅠𠁀񥌑𦐒𥦑𤍁𩦒𥈉𡀨𤘕𠡀𩚙𧠵𩜂𰍀𥦑𩒆񥊒𠀧𤍒𣕘𢢙𤘕𡄆𱀶𵉰𠀦𸝐𧥔𥦑𡉰𸎂𹁤𰍀𦈢𶥁𩜂𵊙񥊒𡑓𲞀𸑙𢘢𠄂𡑓𣕅𸑒𳤢𡄆𱀶𰍀𸉱𶠨𥤙𧠵𶠖𡅠𒊐𥄅𣕘𲡘𨥦𢌒𢍴𳠲𣘒𠄢𡙄𲥃𠄢𠀓𣕘𢢙𤘕𡄆𱀶𠠷𲘘𡉰𡑐𰑖𠡑𥥅𲥆𵝅𡀐𰍀𡅢𡅇񥊒𥕑𲑲𡑓𣕅𢢙𤘕𡄆𱀶𰍀𶠖𡅠𢤔𠌉𠕰𠀦𥤙𧠵𡌧𡠰𙦂𡑓𥈹𠤔𱍡𰍀𡅠𤕷𢌰𢒕𒊐𥄅𠀧𤍒񥊒𣕘𡄆𸔀𢢙𤘕𸑒𳤢𵉰𠀦𩐡𠁁𰍀𥦑𡉰𸎂𹁤񥊒𙦈𵠓𶠖𡅠𣕘𦁅𴢒𢢙𤘕𡄆𱀶𰍀𱀸𲙶𡁑𡀐𠀦𢌒𢌠𒊉𠉖𲑹𙦂𶞓𲔶𡉰𠁃𦄂񥊒𣕘𠉐𤍁𡑗𢦇𦀉𦐐𡑐𰍀𡔘𦔤𒊐𩌅𡀵𦅙𡑓𣕅𥅒𵡙𰍀𠉖𲑹𥦑𡉰𠁃𶠖𡅠񥊒𡑓𲞀𣕘𶢖𥄄𢠐𠠃𡄆𱀶𣑔𶍁𰍀𥤙𧠵𡉰񥊒𣕘舡𡄆𱀶舡𠕰𠀦𦘱𱀴舠𳉘𤁉𠅔舡𰍀𥦑𡉰𵝈𡔖𦘱𵝠񥊒𢉀𧒒𣕈𳉨𠆗𠥃𣕩𸑒𳤢𡄆𱀶𠀦𰑆𦘱𰍀𡑓𣕅𡄆𱀶𶠖𡅠񥊒𦎗𡔡𙦂𰑆𦘱𲥲𶥇𲞀𹔶𰍀𡑗𣘷𲑧𦔤𒊐Keywords:: female genital cuttingglobal governanceculturehuman rightsEast AfricaMaasaiPalabras claves:: mutilación genital femeninagobernancia globalculturaderechos humanosTanzaniaKeniaÁfrica del EsteMaasai关键词:: 𠡑𸆐𵞉񥌆𢢙𤘕𸑒𳤢𡄆𸔀𒊉𠡀𩚙𧠵𩜂𒊉𥦑𡉰𒊉𠅔𦐵𒊉𢍴𳠲𣘒𠄢𒊉𲥃𠄢𒊉𙦖𸝐𒊉𹔲𶆇 AcknowledgementsI would like to warmly thank Bud Duvall, Richa Nagar, Kathryn Sikkink, August Nimtz, Dan Kelliher, Karen Brown, Teri Caraway, Esmyr van Hees, Susan Kang, Meghana Nayak, Carrie Walling, Megan Ybarra, Bud Duvall's dissertation writing group, and many others for their insightful comments. I am grateful for the helpful feedback of members of the American Political Science Association's women and politics research section, particularly Debra Liebowitz and Sylvia Bashevkin. This project has benefited enormously from my collaboration with Anna Winterbottom and Gemma Burford, and I am indebted to many activists in Tanzania who generously shared their insights. The politics of female excision remain controversial and the livelihoods of activists in Monduli are precarious. As such, I am not able to acknowledge most activists by name and I emphasize that the arguments, opinions, and any errors in this article are mine alone. My research was generously supported by the Interdisciplinary Center for the Study of Global Change and the Office of International Programs at the University of Minnesota and Willamette University.Notes 1. The terminology surrounding FGM, female genital cutting (FGC), and female circumcision has been widely and vigorously debated (see e.g., Shell-Duncan and Hernlund Citation2000, 3–7). In this article, I employ the acronym FGM to reflect the ways in which campaigners often characterize female excision in East Africa. I also use the term female circumcision to reflect widespread local terminology in Monduli. 2. Interview, Gender Advisor, UNFPA, Dar es Salaam, 13 July 2006. 3. Interview, Gender advisor, ILO, Dar es Salaam, 19 July 2006 (emphasis added). 4. Interview, Gender advisor, FAO, Dar es Salaam, 17 July 2006 (emphasis added). 5. Interviews, TAMWA, FGM Advisor, Dar es Salaam, 15 May 2007; LHRC, FGM Coordinator, Dar es Salaam, 17 May 2007. 6. Correspondence with UNFPA, New York, 10 December 2007. 7. The term lawalawa is frequently used in northern Tanzania to describe various infections causing vaginal itching. 8. Interview, Regional Coordinator, AFNET, Kijenge, Arusha, 24 June 2006; Interview, Director, Women in Action NGO, Arusha, Tanzania, 26 June 2006; see also The Guardian (Citation2006). 9. Interview, Aang Serian activist, Monduli, Tanzania, 25 May 2007.10.Ibid.11. Aang Serian, correspondence with Equality Now, 3 December 2007.12. Interview, Director, Women in Action NGO, Arusha, Tanzania, 26 June 2006.13. In this respect the process parallels the Maasai generational rite of male circumcision.14. Field notes, Eluwai, Monduli Juu District, Tanzania, 7 July 2006.15. Field notes, Monduli Juu, Tanzania, 15 June 2006.16. Field notes, Monduli Juu, Tanzania, 15 June 2006. Rural Maasai women in Monduli shave their heads, including before circumcision. When Maasai girls are circumcised they wear a long garment traditionally made from leather but now usually made from cloth by their mothers (Hodgson Citation2005, 55; Winterbottom, Koomen, and Burford Citation2009).17. In Monduli villages, marriages are often polygamous. Husbands customarily refer to wives, who are typically much younger than their spouse, as ‘my child.’18. Interview, Aang Serian activist, Monduli, Tanzania, 30 May 2007.19. Aang Serian, FGM/AIDS seminar transcript, Kitumisote Centre, Eluwai Village, Monduli, 9 February 2006.20. Field notes, upper Monduli, June 2006.21. Aang Serian, correspondence with Equality Now, 3 December 2007.Additional informationNotes on contributorsJonneke KoomenJonneke Koomen (PhD, Political Science, University of Minnesota, 2009) is an assistant professor of Politics and Women and Gender Studies at Willamette University, Oregon. This article is based on fieldwork conducted in northern Tanzania between 2005 and 2007. Jonneke's research examines the politics of women's human rights campaigns in East Africa. Her recent publications include ‘“Without These Women, the Tribunal Cannot Do Anything”: The Politics of Witness Testimony on Sexual Violence at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda’ (Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, Winter 2012–2013) and ‘Female Genital Cutting: Cultural Rights and Rites of Defiance in Northern Tanzania’ co-authored with Anna Winterbottom and Gemma Burford (African Studies Review 2009). Jonneke was the recipient of the 2009 American Political Science Association prize for the best paper on women and politics.