Semantic Restrictions in Romance Causatives and the Incorporation Approach

Abstract

Italian (and Romance) has two causative constructions, faire-infinitif and faire-par, which differ not only syntactically but also semantically. I propose that both constructions result from incorporation of a base verb with the causative verb and that their semantic properties depend on the argument structure associated with the causative verb. In both cases the causative verb selects a causer and an event. In addition, it may select an optional benefactive role, which is assigned to the causee in the faire-infinitif construction. Finally, I show that the Affectedness Constraint plays a major role in the formation of faire-par