British Journal of Sociology · 2017 · 614 citations · 82 references
NationalismPolitical ProcessPolitical BehaviorLiberal DemocracySocial SciencesJournalismActivismRadical PoliticsEthno‐nationalist PopulismComparative PoliticsPolitical ConflictPolitical IdeologyCultureEthno-nationalist PopulismPolitical AttitudesRadical RightPolitical TransformationFascism In EuropePopulismArtsPolitical Science
Scholarly and journalistic accounts of recent radical‑right successes in Europe and the United States conflate populism, ethno‑nationalism, and authoritarianism, obscuring analytical clarity and revealing that social changes have generated a collective status threat among national ethnocultural majorities. The study aims to precisely define nationalism, populism, and authoritarianism and examine temporal patterns in their supply and demand—politicians' discursive strategies and corresponding public attitudes—to clarify ethno‑nationalist populism. The authors integrate existing research on nationalism, populism, and authoritarianism and argue that resonance depends on both frame‑belief congruence and shifting context, thereby linking discursive strategies to public attitudes. Evidence shows that supply and demand of radical politics have remained stable, but increased resonance between pre‑existing attitudes and discursive frames channels collective status threat into resentments toward elites.
Scholarly and journalistic accounts of the recent successes of radical-right politics in Europe and the United States, including the Brexit referendum and the Trump campaign, tend to conflate three phenomena: populism, ethno-nationalism and authoritarianism. While all three are important elements of the radical right, they are neither coterminous nor limited to the right. The resulting lack of analytical clarity has hindered accounts of the causes and consequences of ethno-nationalist populism. To address this problem, I bring together existing research on nationalism, populism and authoritarianism in contemporary democracies to precisely define these concepts and examine temporal patterns in their supply and demand, that is, politicians' discursive strategies and the corresponding public attitudes. Based on the available evidence, I conclude that both the supply and demand sides of radical politics have been relatively stable over time, which suggests that in order to understand public support for radical politics, scholars should instead focus on the increased resonance between pre-existing attitudes and discursive frames. Drawing on recent research in cultural sociology, I argue that resonance is not only a function of the congruence between a frame and the beliefs of its audience, but also of shifting context. In the case of radical-right politics, a variety of social changes have engendered a sense of collective status threat among national ethnocultural majorities. Political and media discourse has channelled such threats into resentments toward elites, immigrants, and ethnic, racial and religious minorities, thereby activating previously latent attitudes and lending legitimacy to radical political campaigns that promise to return power and status to their aggrieved supporters. Not only does this form of politics threaten democratic institutions and inter-group relations, but it also has the potential to alter the contours of mainstream public discourse, thereby creating the conditions of possibility for future successes of populist, nationalist, and authoritarian politics.
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