Breaking 'bad habits': a dynamical perspective on habit formation and change

Abstract

Much of our daily behaviour is habitual. Habits are defined as behaviours that are performed with a minimum of cognitive effort. Habits allow for an effective use of our limited cognitive capacities. However, due to this automatising of behaviour, habits are less susceptible for change than reasoned behaviour. Especially when a habit provides positive outcomes in the present but detrimental outcomes on the long run, one can speak of a ‘bad habit’. Such ‘bad habits’ are hard to change because cognitive information on negative outcomes will hardly affect the automatised behavioural scripts. This chapter describes the emergence of habits from a dynamical perspective. This implies that a perspective is drawn on what type of processes play a role at what stage in the development of a habit. This dynamical perspective provides indications for effective strategies to break habits. 1: habitual behaviour Much of our behaviour takes the shape of repetitive actions: in the supermarket we grab our usual brand of coffee, we may follow a specific route in travelling to our work and we drink coffee in the morning. All these behaviours have in common that they are being performed with a minimum of thinking. Behaviours as such, where actions are repeatedly being performed without deliberating too much, can be grouped under the concept of habits. Habits have been demonstrated empirically to strongly determine the behaviour of people in relative stable situations, e.g. modality choice in transportation (e.g., Bamberg & Schmidt, 2003; Garling, Fujii & Boe, 2001; Aarts & Dijksterhuis, 2000; Aarts, Verplanken & Knippenberg, 1998) Although one may be very conscious about performing the habit, e.g., preparing coffee in the morning, the actual performance of the habit may involve very little thinking. This is because the actual behaviour has been automatised to a large extent. Habits have large benefits for our performance in daily life: instead of thinking about routine decision problems we keep our minds free to think about issues that are not routine like (e.g., Posner & Snyder, 1975; Schneider & Shiffrin, 1977; Shiffrin & Schneider, 1977; Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Muraven & Tice, 1998). Hence, habits are mechanisms that allow us to efficiently allocate our limited cognitive capabilities. As such, the use of habits can be listed under the heading of procedural rationality, which has been coined by Simon (1976) as opposed to substantive rationality that is exclusively outcome oriented. Habits provide a significant advantage in terms of savings on cognitive effort. This is especially functional in contexts where the decision situations hardly change, and thorough elaboration would always come up with the same decision. However, the associated lack of elaboration may also yield serious disadvantages. Basically, the use of habits causes that new information is not taken into account when performing the behaviour, nor that one is actively seeking for new information. Also small (structural) changes are often not being noticed when people behave habitually. Hence, whereas the habit may originate from a process in finding out the optimal behaviour given the prevailing circumstances, the circumstances may since then have changed such that alternative behaviour would yield better outcomes. For example, one may habitually buy the usual brand of coffee without being aware of a new brand of qualitative good eco-certificated coffee that would be preferred by the decision-maker. Also, information may have become available concerning negative outcomes of performing the habit. Even if a person is aware that the current habit is non-optimal because of such negative outcomes, this information may not affect the performance as long as the direct outcomes of the habit are satisfactory. For example, Verplanken & Faess (1999) found that good intentions are not enacted if they are interfered with by existing habits. In such situation the short term rewards are inconsistent with one’s long-term intentions and goals (e.g., Ouellette & Wood, 1998). Here we enter the realm of so-called ‘bad habits’. These bad habits may relate to behaviours that have positive direct outcomes for the self, but negative consequences on the long run, such as smoking, speeding and a fat diet. Other habits may yield positive outcomes for the self, but at the cost of aggregate and future outcomes. These can be addressed as collectively ‘bad habits’. Hence much social or environmentally detrimental behaviour can be addressed as ‘bad habits’, such as using a cell phone in an inappropriate situation, littering and using the car for very short