Demokratizatsiya The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization · 2000 · 17 citations · 0 references
Social SciencesPolitical SciencePublic PolicyDemocratizationPolitical EconomySocial MovementsCivil SocietyDemocracyForeign AidNon-governmental OrganizationsNonprofit OrganizationsSocialismDemocratic GovernmentFunding ContributionsInternational Nonprofit OrganizationsNgo Funding ModelsNgo ParticipationNgo-donor RelationsSocialist MovementsSoviet Political System
In the heady rush following the collapse of communism in Russia, many observers felt that the gains of capitalism and democracy could be fairy godmother to the Russian citizenry: with the wave of a wand (and untold amounts of USAID dollars) former socialist workers and apathetic Communist Party members could be transformed into capitalist entrepreneurs and democratic citizens. Hypothetically, although these transformed citizens were no longer constructing socialism, one hoped that they would work with zeal to build a new utopia, a vibrant society within the framework of a free market economy and democratic political system. To encourage such an outcome, government agencies and nonprofit organizations have invested millions of Western dollars in the form of grants, training, and partnership programs to aid, encourage, and hasten the trinity of political, economic, and structures.(1) Of particular interest to many Western funders has been the development of society, and more specifically the NGO (nongovernmental organization) sector. Robert Putnam and others have argued that the strength of associations is a crucial determinant for healthy democracies; associations contribute to the effectiveness and stability of democratic government because they instill in their members habits of cooperation, solidarity, and public spiritedness. Such networks, norms, and trust (or capital) facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit, which encourages citizens to articulate views, form goals, and work to achieve them in the democratic political process.(2) Perhaps taking society theorists to heart, Western funders have financed thousands of projects and distributed grants to various organizations to fund specific activities in the hope of strengthening civil Women's NGOs have been targeted by many Western funding agencies as a key component of a healthy and flourishing society. An additional motive of funders has been the desire to foster Western-style gender equality (perceived as progress toward modern political and structures essential for democratic societies) and to bolster women's sagging status in Russian society.(3) Foundations and agencies such as Eurasia, Ford, Soros, and USAID have been active in assisting women's groups as they learn skills related to starting and running an NGO.(4) Many of the organizations subsist solely on Western grants; fortunate ones also receive small subsidies from Russian sources. What has foreign aid done for women's groups in Russia? Is it fostering society, or is aid merely skin deep, an expensive Band-Aid unable to heal deeper pathologies within Russia's emerging third sector, the nonprofit organizations that interact with state and market actors? Valerie Sperling has argued that foreign aid's positive influence has been marred by fractionalization and infighting within the movement.(5) My findings support Sperling's research; in addition, I argue that funding is creating more severe, long lasting pathologies within the women's movement in three ways. While funded women's NGOs exhibit greater organizational and networking abilities, foreign aid undermines the movement's long-term sustainability by privileging feminist groups over other social welfare organizations. This has led to the creation of a civic elite within the women's movement. As a result, as Sperling has also argued, groups tend to reflect the orientation of the funder rather than the needs of the domestic population.(6) In fact, despite its aims, foreign funding may subvert the development of deep society. In this paper, I look at the role of Western funders in affecting the organization, activities, and goals of women's groups in Russia by analyzing survey data from over 130 women's groups. I also draw from over forty interviews conducted with leaders of women's organizations in Moscow, program officers from various Western funding agencies, and other individuals involved in working in the third sector. …