Internal and external motivation to respond without prejudice.

Abstract

Empirical evidence is presented from 7 samples regarding the factor structure; reliability; and convergent, discriminant, and predictive validity of separate measures of internal and external motivation to respond without prejudice. The scales reliably measure largely independent constructs and have good convergent and discriminant validity. Examination of the qualitatively distinct affective reactions to violations of own- and other-based standards as a function of the source of motivation to respond without prejudice provides evidence for the predictive validity of the scales. The final study demonstrated that reported stereotype endorsement varies as a function of motivation and whether reports are made in private or publicly Results are discussed in terms of their support for the internal-external distinction and the significance of this distinction for identifying factors that may either promote or thwart prejudice reduction. During the past 50 years, in conjunction with many legislative changes promoting the rights of Black Americans, there have been dramatic changes in Whites' self-reported attitudes toward Blacks. Specifically, several large-scale survey studies suggest that self-reported racial attitudes have become considerably more positive (Greeley & Sheatsley, 1971; Kluegel & Smith, 1986; Schuman, Steeh, & Bobo, 1985; Taylor, Sheatsley, & Greeley, 1978). One of the persistent challenges for prejudice researchers is to understand the motivations underlying such nonprejudiced responses. Do they reflect sincere changes in personal attitudes or are they motivated by social pressure created by changes in the social milieu? In the 1990s, these changes in self-reported attitudes have culminated in a rather pervasive social norm discouraging prejudice toward Blacks in the United States (see Blanchard, Lilly, & Vaughn, 1991; Monteith, Deneen, & Tooman, 1996). This norm, embodied, for example, in politically correct (PC) standards, mandates proper speech and behavior and thereby creates social pressure to respond without prejudice (e.g., Adler et al., 1990; D'Souza, 1991). When people fail to comply with these standards, they risk disapproval and, in many cases, sanctions from others. What then are we to make of self-reported attitudes or behaviors that appear to be nonprejudiced? The presence of the rather pervasive external social pressure to respond without prejudice has created enduring dilemmas for both social perceivers and social scientists as they try to discern the motivation(s) underlying (generally socially acceptable) nonprejudiced responses.