Domestic Ethnic Conflict and Ethnic Nepotism: A Comparative Analysis

Tatu Vanhanen

Journal of Peace Research · 1999 · 287 citations · 38 references

Concepts

TL;DR

Ethnic conflict is widespread worldwide, arising from groups favoring kin over non‑kin—a pattern rooted in evolutionary theories of nepotism that becomes salient when societies compete for scarce resources. The article proposes that ethnic conflict’s universality stems from an evolved predisposition to ethnic nepotism and tests two hypotheses linking ethnic division to conflict. The authors operationalize ethnic division and conflict into empirical variables and test the hypotheses using data from 183 contemporary states. The analysis confirms the hypotheses, while outliers suggest additional factors influence ethnic conflict.

Abstract

Ethnic conflict seems to be common in all countries of the world where people are divided into separate ethnic groups, that may have a racial, national, linguistic, tribal, religious or caste basis. In this article it is proposed that a significant part of the universality of ethnic conflict can be explained by our evolved predisposition to ethnic nepotism, which can be regarded as an extended form of nepotism. Evolutionary theories of inclusive fitness and kin selection explain the origin and universality of nepotism. The members of an ethnic group tend to favour their group members over non-members because they are more related to their group members than to outsiders. This disposition to favour kin over non-kin becomes important in social life and politics when people and groups of people have to compete for scarce resources. Two hypotheses on political consequences of ethnic nepotism are presented: (1) significant ethnic division tends to lead to ethnic interest conflict in all societies and (2) the more a society is ethnically divided, the more political and other interest conflict tend to become channelled into ethnic lines. These two hypotheses are tested by empirical evidence for 183 contemporary states. The hypothetical concepts `ethnic division' and `ethnic conflict' are operationalized into empirical variables. The results support the two hypotheses. Deviating cases underline the importance of other relevant factors behind ethnic conflict and violence.

References

38