ANAPHORS AS PRONOUNS

Abstract

Abstract. In this paper we point out that in a wide variety of languages, reflexive anaphors seem sensitive to Principle B when they are morphologically simple. While this is now acknowledged by many linguists, we show that (further), when reflexive anaphors in these languages are morphologically complex, they still contain a pronominal element which obeys Principle B. We also provide evidence that many complex reflexive forms which are currently taken to be local (or ‘strict’) anaphors, are on closer examination seen to be only non‐local: i.e. they can take both local and long‐distance antecedents. We suggest a syntactic process of ‘reflexivization’ which enables anti‐local (pronominal) elements to take an antecedent in the minimal clause. We lastly show that truly local anaphors ‐ like reciprocals and distributives ‐ also contain a pronominal element which obeys Principle B.