Case-checking and specificity in Tagalog

Abstract

We propose that in Tagalog, a language of the Philippines, two-place predicates can appear with an ergative Agent and an absolutive Theme or alternatively with an absolutive Agent and a Theme that bears inherent Case. According to our analysis, couched within the Minimalist Program, inherent Case is exceptionally assigned to Themes inside the VP, and these need not move outside the VP for Case-checking. We note that such Themes must be nonspecific in interpretation under most circumstances and we relate their specificity to their syntactic position within VP. We further describe contexts where this Specificity Effect shown by Themes is neutralized, such as in the presence of a preposition, in applicative sentences, in the recent past, and when the agent is extracted, and suggest why this might be so