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Diagnosing Trends and Determinants in Public Support for Turkey's EU Membership

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2011

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Abstract

Abstract Despite scholarly interest in the process of Turkey's candidacy for European Union (EU) membership, what is missing in the literature is a detailed examination of Turkish public opinion on the issue. Using Turkish Election Surveys, Eurobarometer surveys and International Social Survey Programme data, we test whether economic considerations, support for democracy, attachment to national identity and religiosity affect Turkish individuals' attitudes towards Turkey's EU membership. Perceived national economic conditions and national identity have a negative impact while satisfaction with democracy is positively linked to support for EU membership. Contrary to expectations, religion exerts no significant influence over membership preferences. Keywords: TurkeyEU MembershipPublic OpinionPublic Support for EUMass Attitudes Notes [1] See Müftüler-Baç (2008a Müftüler-Baç, M. 2008a. The European Union's accession negotiations with Turkey from a foreign policy perspective. Journal of European Integration, 30(1): 63–78. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]) on a foreign policy perspective, Müftüler-Baç (2008b Müftüler-Baç, M. 2008b. Turkey's accession to the European Union: the impact of the EU's internal dynamics. International Studies Perspectives, 9(2): 201–219. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) on the interplay of utility-based and identity-based factors and the EU's internal dynamics, Nugent (2007 Nugent, N. 2007. The EU's response to Turkey's membership application: not just a weighing of costs and benefits. Journal of European Integration, 29(4): 481–502. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]) on the explanatory role of the rationalist approach plus political pressures and rhetorical commitments, Font (2006 Font, N. 2006. Why the European Union gave Turkey the green light. Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 14(2): 197–212. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]) on interest-based calculations, polity norms and institutional arrangements, Müftüler-Baç and McLaren (2003 Müftüler-Baç, M. and McLaren, L. M. 2003. Enlargement preferences and policy-making in the European Union: impacts on Turkey. Journal of European Integration, 25(1): 17–30. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]) on the interplay of constructivism, historic institutionalism and EU members’ preferences and Oğuzlu (2002 Oğuzlu, T. H. 2002. The clash of security identities: the question of Turkey's membership in the European Union. International Journal, 54(3): 579–603. [Google Scholar]) on identity and culture from a security perspective. [2] For details of the question wording and sources for the data presented in Figure 2, see Çarkoğlu and Kalaycıoğlu (2009 Çarkoğlu, A. and Kalaycıoğlu, E. 2009. The Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, New York: Palgrave-Macmillan. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar], pp. 122–130, p. 165 n. 3). The last two observations for December 2008 to February 2009 and October–December 2009 were obtained from ISSP's Religion III and Social Inequality surveys carried out by Ali Çarkoğlu and Ersin Kalaycıoğlu with the financial support of the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TÜBÏTAK). [3] Considering the drop in public support for EU membership, one has to take into account the negative developments on the European side of the relationship. One major issue in these developments was the bottlenecks the Turkish side encountered on the Cyprus issue, especially in the aftermath of the Annan Plan referendum in April 2004. Despite expectations and promises of normalisation if not a complete resolution of the long-standing conflict, the Turkish side was not able to achieve any significant progress that could benefit the lives of the Turkish Cypriots on the island. To what extent such a development is linked to public opinion's negative image of the EU and the membership project is not clear from empirical data. However, taking this together with the lukewarm, if not completely negative stances of the German and French authorities towards Turkey's membership, it appears that the Turkish public at large has persistently received an unwelcoming signal from the European side. Such a signal is thus typically linked in daily political conversations to declining public support for membership. However, there is yet no empirical evidence as to whether the public is attentive to the mutual policies of Turkey and European States, nor do we know whether such developments in international politics have an influence on evaluations of EU membership at comparable magnitudes to other factors to be underlined below. [4] See Çarkoğlu (2004 Çarkoğlu, A. 2004. “Societal perceptions of Turkey's EU membership: causes and consequences of support for EU membership?”. In Turkey and European Integration, Accession Prospects and Issues, Edited by: Canefe, N. and Uğur, M. 19–45. New York: Routledge. [Google Scholar]) and Çarkoğlu and Kalaycıoğlu (2009 Çarkoğlu, A. and Kalaycıoğlu, E. 2009. The Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey, New York: Palgrave-Macmillan. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]) for a long-term historical evaluation of these trends in public support for EU membership. [5] See Canefe and Bora (2003 Canefe, N. and Bora, T. 2003. “The intellectual roots of anti-European sentiments in Turkish politics: the case of radical Turkish nationalism”. In Turkey and the European Union, Domestic Politics, Economic Integration and International Dynamics, Edited by: Çarkoğlu, A. and Rubin, B. 127–148. London: Frank Cass. [Google Scholar]) for a review of this literature. [6] See Avcı (2011) in this volume. [7] Some scholars argue that the compatibility of Turkey's predominant Muslim population with the predominantly Christian EU might be another factor that would affect how Turkish citizens view accession to the EU. See Müftüler Baç (2000). For a detailed discussion of the relationship between religion and Turkey–EU relations see Jung and Raudvere (2008 Jung, D. and Raudvere, C., eds. 2008. Religion, Politics, and Turkey's EU Accession, London: Palgrave Macmillan. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). [8] See Atacan (2006 Atacan, F. 2006. “Explaining religious politics at the crossroad: AKP–SP”. In Religion and Politics in Turkey, Edited by: Çarkoğlu, A. and Rubin, B. 45–58. London: Taylor & Francis. [Google Scholar]), Çarkoğlu and Toprak (2006 Çarkoğlu, A. and Toprak, B. 2006. Değişen Türkiye'de Din, Toplum ve Siyaset [Religion, Society and Politics in Changing Turkey], Istanbul: TESEV. [Google Scholar]), Dağı (2004 Dağı, I. 2004. Rethinking human rights, democracy, and the West: post-Islamist intellectuals in Turkey. Middle East Critique, 13(2): 135–151. [Taylor & Francis Online] , [Google Scholar]), Kuru (2005 Kuru, A. T. 2005. Globalisation and diversification of Islamic movements: three Turkish cases. Political Science Quarterly, 120(2): 253–274. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]), Toprak (2006 Toprak, B. 2006. “Islam and democracy in Turkey”. In Religion and Politics in Turkey, Edited by: Çarkoğlu, A. and Rubin, B. 25–44. London: Taylor & Francis. [Google Scholar]), Yavuz (1997 Yavuz, H. 1997. Political Islam and the Welfare Party in Turkey. Comparative Politics, 30(1): 63–82. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) and Yılmaz (2005 Yılmaz, I. 2005. State, law, civil society and Islam in contemporary Turkey. Muslim World, 95(3): 385–411. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) on the divisions within the Islamist movement towards Europe, democratisation and value differences within Turkish society. [9] Details of variable transformations and coding are available from the authors upon request. [10] Coefficients for control variables are not reported in Table 1 in order to facilitate the interpretation of the table. However, they are available on request from the authors.

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