Lobola: The Perceptions of Great Zimbabwe University Students

Abstract

Introduction Roora/Lobola is a significant element of marriage among the Shona of Zimbabwe (Ansell, 2001). It is a custom that has stood the taste of time. concept of Roora/Lobola is translated into English as bridewealth or brideprice. Because the authors are not comfortable with the translation which seems to suggest the purchase of wives, thus being value-laden, terms Lobola and Roora will be used interchangeably to refer to the phenomenon. However, citations employing the term bridewealth or brideprice will be encountered in this work reflecting the perceptions of cited authorities, not those of the author of this article. According to Posselt (1926) cited in Zvobgo (1996) Lobola is a custom in which the husband (or his family on his behalf) delivers or promises to deliver to the father (or guardian) of the wife, stock or other property, in consideration of which the legal custody of the born of the marriage is vested in their father (or his family) to the exclusion of any member of the mother's family. Lobola involves some payment by the husband or his family to the family of his wife. Lobola is negotiated by the heads of the two families or their representatives in the presence of a messenger (Bourdillon, 1998). Traditionally, cattle were transferred from the groom's family to that of the bride upon marriage, but now bride wealth is usually paid in cash (Bourdillon, 1998). Despite the changes people remain deeply attached to the institution of Lobola. According to Chirawu (2006), the concept of Lobola as it originally existed was noble but now the focus has shifted. Everjoice Win, a Zimbabwean gender activist quoted by Chirawu (2006), asserts that Lobola does not benefit women. It benefits the men in her family in the sense that it is these who charge and receive the Lobola and often use it as they wish. Lobola places the husband's control over his wife's sexuality. In a similar vein, Kambarami (2006) says that Lobola gives a man all rights whilst the woman is stripped of all freedom and rights. She goes on to say the woman is even further reduced to the level of acquired property especially in cases where Lobola was set at a high price. She concludes by arguing that Lobola, as part of the patriarchal nature of the Shona society, breeds inequality and widens the gap between men and women, thereby placing women in a subordinate position. Kambarami (2006) thus sees Lobola as an instrument of patriarchy that perpetuates the subordination of women. Father Prestage denounced Lobola as The purchase of a wife by a man for the purpose of begetting children (Bhebe, 1973, 45). Seen in this light, Lobola dehumanizes women and relegates them to the status of commodities. above sentiments connote a negative perception of Lobola. However, this negative depiction of Lobola is paralleled by a positive one as epitomised by some views. Bourdillon (1998), perceiving the custom of Lobola as just and responsible, describes it as a stabilising factor, a significant gift and an acknowledgment of a priceless debt which the bridegroom's family group owes to the bride's family group. Apart from this Lobola has many secondary effects such as legitimizing the and conferring marriage status to women. Lobola may be understood as a guarantee of good faith on the part of both families (Thorpe, 1991). above sentiments suggest that it is socially beneficial. Lobola has conflicting influences on the lives of women, especially with regards to domestic violence (Armstrong, 1998). In a study conducted by Armstrong across Zimbabwe men held two views on wife battering and Lobola. On one hand some men reported that it was more acceptable to beat a woman for whom they have paid Lobola. On the other hand others indicated that they were more likely to beat a woman for whom they had not paid Lobola, because they could get away with it. Seen from these perspectives, Lobola is both a promoter of domestic violence against women as well as a safeguard against the practice. …